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In the latest episode of FAB Gab, Michael Doan and Ami Harbin discuss their paper in the special issue of IJFAB celebrating the work of Sue Sherwin. Ami and Michael’s paper focuses on a relational understanding of responsibility in and for public health. You can listen to their discussion, and the other episodes, here. You’ll also find a link to their paper and a transcript of the podcast.
In June of 2020, when US President Trump formally expressed his intention to withdraw from the WHO just as the scope of the COVID-19 pandemic had become clear, this also meant withdrawing from COVAX, the international program intended to change distribution patterns of vaccines to globally more fair/ethical. US President Joseph Biden has expressed his intention to not withdraw from WHO and thus to support COVAX. However, the fact of the matter is that wealthier nations with stronger connections to the established patterns of imperialism and settler colonialism have already bought up the largest shares of vaccines already available (Canada, the US, the UK, etc. AKA the “usual suspects”). So have other powers with global reach and/or national wealth such as China, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates.
Of course, those shares procured by the US and Canada were of the vaccines that are the most expensive per dose, and the hardest to store, with the Pfizer and Modern vaccines both requiring ultra-cold or cold storage that could not be maintained in nations with unpredictable electrical grids and standard refrigeration capacity–this is also true of rural and tribal areas of the US and Canada. Perhaps they were never good candidates for global distribution. We’ll have to keep our eye on what happens to the more affordable vaccines now coming available, including the Oxford Astrazeneca vaccine and those out of China such as Sinovac that don’t use mRNA methods but rather use more traditional vaccination methods with parts of killed virus. These are not only less expensive, but also are more easily stored and transported and may work better with global vaccine distribution infrastructure.
These concerns about the transnational/international operation of power and privilege, gendered or otherwise, are paramount for global feminist bioethics. And of course, any analytical lens concerned with the welfare of women will be concerned for these same systems since women are members of every non-gendered social group against whom–or for whom–power works. Even within nations that have vaccines, pregnant women are not always listed as a vaccinatable population due to their exclusion from vaccine trials (the US CDC and WHO differ on this); the impact of research exclusions of pregnant women has been an IJFAB concern since our second issue in 2008.
In addition, the classic global bioethics issue of who is used for new drug testing vs. who receives access to those new drugs is highlighted by South Africa’s role as a test site despite its reliance on COVAX for access to vaccines to begin, at best, in the 2nd quarter of 2021. Several African nations were test sites for multiple COVID vaccines, but will expect to see delivery long after the nations in which the companies who developed the vaccines are based. This is reminiscent of the bioethics issues seen with HIV medication trials that exhibited similar patterns in the late 20th century.
For more on these issues see the links embedded above plus:
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As 2020 comes to a close, we have news out of Argentina that decades of feminist pro-choice activism have come to fruition: the Senate has passed a bill that came through the House recently, decriminalizing abortion up through 14 weeks gestation. For more, see these articles:
This short English-language news video from DeutscheWelle, the German public broadcasting network (includes crowd reaction to results of vote, both in favor and against)
An item of Bioethics note: the legislation allows conscientious objection to abortion and there is not a broad infrastructure in Argentina for abortion provision, so it remains to be seen what access to safe, legal abortions will be like once the new law goes into effect. However, the conscientious objection provision of the law does require that clinicians who refuse must also refer the patient to another clinic (it’s not clear yet to this Editor whether that clinic must be one known to perform abortions). A core ethical issue of conscientious objection is whether there are any limitations on the right to refuse, and whether referral makes the clinician complicit in an act they consider immoral and/or is necessary to prevent the clinician’s own views from preventing the patient getting access to care they find morally permissible and that others will provide.
Argentina’s Congress has legalised abortions up to the 14th week of pregnancy, with the Senate approving the measure by a vote of 38-29. Prior to the vote, abortion was only allowed in the case of rape or a threat to the mother’s health. This is a ground-breaking legislation as Latin America has some of the world’s strictest termination laws, due at least partially to the strong influence of the Catholic Church in the region. The bill was supported by centre-left President Alberto Fernández.
According to the BBC, pro-choice activists hope the legalization of abortion in Argentina, which is one of the largest and most influential countries in the region, will inspire other Latin American countries to follow suit. Currently, abortions are completely banned in El Salvador, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic and are only allowed in restricted circumstances in most other Latin American nations. Only Uruguay, Cuba, Guyana and parts of Mexico currently allow women to the option of elective abortion.
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According to the BBC,
President Fernández had made reintroducing it one of his campaign promises. “I’m Catholic but I have to legislate for everyone,” he argued.
The president also said providing free and legal abortions up to the 14th week of pregnancy was a matter of public health as “every year around 38,000 women” are taken to hospital due to clandestine terminations and that “since the restoration of democracy [in 1983] more than 3,000 have died”.
Vilma Ibarra, who drafted the law, was overcome with emotion as she spoke to reporters after it passed. “Never again will there be a woman killed in a clandestine abortion,” she said, crying.
While abortion continues to be one of the most contentious bioethical issues worldwide, there is wide support among bioethicists that the foundational principle of autonomy, which allows each person to choose and refuse medical treatment and decide what happens to their own body, provides support for the permissibility and legality of abortion.
Danielle Wenner, a philosopher and bioethicist, noted on Twitter that throughout her undergraduate philosophy training there had been no inclusion of feminist or racial philosophy.
My own undergraduate philosophy training was similar. When I later returned to academia to study bioethics after some time out in the workforce, my formal bioethics training was not much better. My training included very little written by women, people of colour or disabled philosophers, never mind explicitly feminist work or critical theory for example. We had the somewhat typical inclusion of Thomson on abortion and Foote on the double-effect, but little else. My feminist learning started informally outside of the academy in books. Books recommended to me and books I found. These books put language to my naïve and unarticulated feelings. As I undertook my PhD, I sought out these type of texts explicitly because they spoke to me in ways that my formal learning did not. I’m proud that my PhD includes both feminist theory and methodology, something that wasn’t supported strongly where I studied. Through my PhD, I became aware of and connected to the Feminist Approaches to Bioethics group and the International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics both of which showed me that there were ways of doing bioethics that more deeply connected to my own values and commitments as a scholar and human. I consider myself a developing feminist scholar, in part because of the nature of my self-taught learning in this space, but also because my confidence to engage with feminist theory in practice is something I have to nurture and grow over time, having never seen this modelled in my training. I am lucky to now see it through the Feminist Approaches to Bioethics network.
The reason I explain this is because IJFAB has been a key source of finding writing and books that support this development in my work-life and personal life. I’ve written here previously about my love of books but I can only emphasize again their magic in connecting readers to new thoughts, ideas, lives and worlds. Books are one way that we can learn of and from others, while also learning about ourselves. Of course, we also need to get out and interact; to engage and challenge the thoughts we develop from reading, but reading is a good place to begin exploring new things, especially for those who may, in some way, be isolated (intellectually, if not physically). If you are just beginning to explore this type of bioethics, “Feminist Bioethics: At the centre, on the margins” edited by Jackie Leach Scully, Laurel E. Baldwin-Ragaven, and Petya Fitzpatrick, and also reviewed in IJFAB is a great place to start.
As the book review editor, I truly believe that IJFAB book reviews, as I previously wrote, are a feminist practice. It is critical solidarity. Through book reviews, we promote feminist writings to others and challenge our work in positive ways. We are always looking for new books to review and new reviewers to review books either already on our radar or books that should be (yes, you can make suggestions, too!). I’ve provided a snapshot below of our current reviews and things currently requiring reviewers so please do get in touch if you’d like to write for us.
The latest book reviews in Vol 13 Issue 2 of IJFAB can be found here:
Argentina’s current law makes abortion legal only in cases of rape or threat to the life of the pregnant person. As in many countries where abortion is illegal, abortions nonetheless happen, but less safely. Argentine feminists and feminist bioethicists have been arguing for legalization of abortion for decades.
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So this while 14 weeks is short compared with the US’s “until viability” criterion (which means 22-24 weeks depending on the state, and rarely as low as 20), it will radically increase access to safe, legal abortion for Argentines.
A recent survey in four African countries has shown the covid19 pandemic has led to harsh economic and health consequences for women. The survey reported significant impacts on both food security and household income. Additionally, the women reported that social distancing is difficult and they avoided seeking medical care due to fear of being infected with the virus.
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The survey results show significant impacts of COVID-19 on food security—measured as one or more household members going 24 hours without food—and income. In all geographies, 75% or more of women reported that their household lost at least partial income since the start of the COVID-19 restrictions. Complete loss of household income ranged from 16% in Burkina Faso to 62% in Kinshasa, DRC. “While the women we interviewed have health concerns, our results show that the immediate concern for many is how to feed their family,” said Elizabeth Gummerson, deputy director of the technical unit of the Institute for Population and Reproductive Health.
While the virus continues to negatively affect countries worldwide, citizens of already impoverished nations are disproportionately affected. Just as the virus has aggravated and exposed existing inequalities in the United States, its effects have highlighted serious global injustices worldwide. Nations already struggling with poverty, food insecurity, and negative health outcomes are being further devastated by the virus. Moreover, women are predictably disproportionately affected. The biomedical principle of justice requires urgent attention to global health injustices.
Editor’s Note: This post comes to us from Guest Contributors Carina Fourie and Agomoni Ganguli-Mitra. Agomini has previously contributed work for IJFAB Blog on pregnancy as a superhuman feat. Prof. Fourie holds the Benjamin Rabinowitz Chair in Medical Ethics in the Department of Philosophy at the University of Washington. Prof. Ganguli-Mitra is Lecturer and Chancellor’s Fellow in Bioethics and Global Health Ethics, as well as co-Director of the Mason Institute for Medicine, Life Science, and the Law at the University of Edinburgh. This entry was written in late summer 2020; ironically, posting was delayed due to the disproportionate effects of COVID and COVID responses on the Editors of IJFAB Blog, both carrying increased personal and professional responsibilities.
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An internet search of ‘gender inequality COVID-19’ can produce what seem to be contradictory results, even within the confines of a single newspaper’s articles. Take The Guardian: “Coronavirus hits men harder” from April 7 and “Coronavirus pandemic exacerbates inequalities for women” from April 11. Similarly, one of us emphasized in an interview, that the effects of the pandemic are more or less severe according to a person’s position in society, including their socio-economic status, or their gender. Due to women’s often subordinate and disadvantaged social positions, the pandemic is hitting them particularly hard. The first comment on the interview raised doubt about these claims, citing for example, the higher mortality rates for men from Covid-19. What are we to make of this? Are men or women worse off in the current pandemic?
An exploration of these questions helps to underline the problem with defining the moral aims of public health planning for pandemics as the protection and promotion of health exclusively, or the reduction of health disparities, or both – at least where ill-health is measured as the morbidity and mortality associated with the pandemic disease. Pandemic planning must take account of the effect of pandemics and responses to them on existing social injustices, and on how health can be affected both by the disease itself as well as by responses to the pandemic.[1]
Kate McKay speaks with guest editors, Kristen Borgerson and Letitia Meynell, about the legacy of Susan Sherwin’s academic and activist work, in feminist bioethics, philosophy, and policy.
According to the BBC, 10 members of the indigenous Greater Andamanese tribe in India have tested positive for coronavirus in the past month. The Greater Andamanese only have 53 remaining members.
The Andamans Islands are home to a total of five Indigenous tribes: the Jarawas, North Sentinelese, Great Andamanese, Onge and Shompen, and local health officials say a main priority is keeping the coronavirus from spreading to other vulnerable tribes.
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For centuries, Indigenous people across the globe have suffered and died from communicable diseases spread by colonizers and other world travelers. Indigenous people are vulnerable to disease due both to lack of immunity and because of adverse social conditions imposed upon them by Western colonizers.
In the Americas, coronavirus has also spread through indigenous communities, notably in tribes living along the Amazon as well as in the Navajo Nation. The centuries of violence these groups have suffered have resulted in increased malnutrition, illness, and trauma that make them more susceptible to contracting and dying from covid-19.
As coronavirus pandemic continues, we must collectively reckon with the historical and ongoing mistreatment of tribal Indigenous people worldwide.
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It is perhaps well known that of the 27 members of the White House Coronavirus Task Force, only two of them are women. A recent report from NPR shows that this is not a problem unique to the United States. Only 10 of the 31 members and advisers of the World Health Organization’s Emergency Committee on COVID-19 are women. The WHO-China joint mission on COVID-19 is comprised of only 20% women.
While men are more likely to die of coronavirus, women are at higher risk in other ways. Women make up 70% of the world’s healthcare workforce, putting them at higher risk of infection.
Countries are reporting higher numbers of reports of domestic violence as stay-at-home orders have confined women to tight quarters with abusive family members. And widespread shutdowns have disrupted women’s access to maternal health services. A study in The Lancet estimates, in its worst-case scenario, that nearly 60,000 additional women could die of maternal health complications over a six-month time period as a result of COVID-19.
With these facts in mind, it is morally imperative that women be equally represented in task forces shaping global and local policies with respect to the virus.