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“Penn State Administrators Target Women Employees”
From the Centre Daily Times: “Under Penn State’s new employee wellness program, a health risk assessment questionnaire asks female employees if they plan to get pregnant in the next year. If the employee doesn’t want to disclose that and opts out of completing the assessment, she’ll incur a $100 fee each month. That’s $1,200 over the course of the year.”
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Canada’s single-payer health system is the envy of some Americans. Under Canadian Medicare, every province runs a single public health insurance plan with very low administrative overhead: in this sense, the system is efficient. It is also a natural fit for the goal of health equity: everyone is in the same plan; everyone has the same benefits.
A single-payer system is no panacea, however. Much rides on what the single payer covers and does not cover. For example, Canada scores poorly on international comparisons of health equity. This is largely, but not entirely, the result of what we exclude from Medicare: prescription drugs, as well as non-physician care (physical therapy, dental care, speech language pathology, etc.—any function not performed by physicians), in the community. As a result of these exclusions, Canada has a high rate of private health insurance for extended benefits, and one of the highest levels of private expenditure among universal health care systems. If you need rehab, or have on-going prescription drug costs, moving to Canada might or might not save you from American-style inequities in access to care.
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From KVUE
“The game Choice: Texas, a Very Serious Game is a text-based browser game in which players will assume the role of one of five Texas women facing crisis pregnancies. In a video posted to the crowdfunding website indiegogo, the game’s creators described it as ‘an interactive fiction game designed to raise awareness of the financial, geographical and other barriers facing women seeking an abortion in Texas.'”
Sandhya Somashekhar’s recent article in The Washington Post, “States find new ways to resist health law”, provides a nice overview of some of the ways that states are throwing up obstacles to effective implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). With the Affordable Care Act set to be implemented, blocking its effective implementation raises serious moral issues. Though it is an imperfect solution, I believe that these state-based obstacles to its implementation are deeply morally problematic because the costs of non-compliance fall on individuals while the politicians who have put these obstacles in place face little or no personal or political cost, and indeed stand to gain.
While I am arguing here that blocking implementation of the PPACA is deeply morally problematic, it is important to acknowledge that it is an imperfect solution to America’s glaring problem of uninsured persons and expensive, inefficient provision of health care. The PPACA or ACA, known colloquially as “Obamacare”, will work to get more Americans into the health care market and provide more access to preventive care for high- and low-risk patients, alike. Aside from the very valuable limitations on health insurers’ ability to refuse to provide coverage for high-risk patients and stop providing coverage for ill patients, it is still based on the for-profit health insurer model as evidenced in part by the early elimination of a government-based “public option” which would have competed with insurance industry plans. In addition, a large number of Americans who get insurance through their employers, yet find the premiums taxing and fall into otherwise-subsidized income ranges, will not have access to the federal subsidy system which is designed to give financial support to those entering the market through the health insurance exchanges.
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CALL FOR PAPERS: Workshop on Global Surrogacy and Reproductive Markets
Carleton University/University of Ottawa, February 6-8, 2014
International surrogacy consists in a transactional arrangement wherein a first world couple or individual seeking to build a family contracts the gestational services of a developing world woman. The case of international surrogacy raises a number of important questions in the fields of applied ethics, feminist philosophy, political philosophy and global justice. To begin with, the surrogacy arrangement raises the purported spectre of commodification, be it of the surrogate’s body or of the infant. A similar concern is raised with respect to the contribution made to many such exchanges by a third party egg ‘donor.’ Many critics have argued that while altruistic surrogacy and egg donation should be permitted, their financial remuneration should not be, lest the human body, or the physical capacities intimately related to personhood itself, be treated as valuable solely in monetary terms. This workshop will investigate if this analysis indeed captures the real moral controversy of surrogacy and egg-selling in an international context, or whether there are antecedent, or even more pressing moral concerns.
One such concern is whether or not surrogacy and egg-selling can in fact be viewed as a means of enhancing female autonomy. If the surrogate chooses the role willingly because its compensation will enable her to achieve goals she has reason to value, surrogacy may well be morally valuable insofar as it allows women to address some part of the vulnerability they experience under conditions of global poverty. However, there may be serious reason to worry about the genuine capacity of vulnerable women to give autonomous consent, especially in the face of potentially coercive enticements. There is also a worry as to whether the remuneration is fair and the labour conditions adequate. The latter two concerns give us reason to question the potential for exploitation in international surrogacy and egg-selling arrangements, insofar as they involve a contractual agreement between parties with asymmetric bargaining power. Finally, moral concern must also be raised with respect to the exploitative role played by those who broker such arrangements. What is the appropriate moral perspective to take on those who ‘live off the avails’ of global surrogacy and egg selling, and to what extent do these individuals and institutions bear moral responsibility for each of the previous concerns?
Analysing surrogacy from a global justice perspective can hopefully enable us to clarify the moral problems it carries with respect to commodification, exploitation, and vulnerability. Our aim is that this workshop should yield fruitful cross-disciplinary discourse on this important and timely topic. We invite abstracts (of 250 words) for papers that address any of three interrelated philosophical themes: first, whether reproductive markets involve the commodification of goods of intrinsic moral worth; second, whether these types of transactions impede women’s autonomy or agency; and third, whether the two previous concerns take a different form against the backdrop of global injustice, so much so perhaps as to engender the need for an altogether different philosophical treatment of reproductive markets in a global context. We are also interested in abstracts that address harms to children, particular those who are the products of global markets in reproduction.
Deadline for abstract submission: October 14th 2013
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“While obese and unhealthy people suffer from the highest mortality, people with normal BMI can also be quite unhealthy and be near the upper or mid range of the mortality scale. Conversely, an obese person can be metabolically healthy”
Second: You Are Your Bacteria: How the Gut Microbiome Influences Health
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Biomonitoring is a technique for assessing exposures to chemical substances in the body through testing blood, urine, semen, amniotic fluid, breast milk, saliva, hair, and fingernails and other human tissues. Examples of chemicals that can be tested for include lead, pesticides, Bisphenol A, phthalates, and PBDEs (flame retardants).
Biomonitoring is becoming more popular and increasingly sophisticated, raising significant ethical concerns. Guidelines across different Research Ethics Boards lack consistency. As well, there is often no reference range of safe levels of exposure for many of the chemicals tested, making it difficult to interpret results. Biomonitoring can accurately assess exposure but cannot predict an individual’s likelihood of becoming ill, which is usually what study participants are most interested in knowing. When the risks of chemical exposures are unknown should researchers inform participants of their individual results?
Under the traditional clinical model of biomonitoring, researchers only communicate individual results if exposure levels are deemed significantly high or if there is a clear link between exposure level and health outcome, such as in the case of lead. Results can usually only be individually communicated by physicians, who are able to explain health risks.
However, the clinical model has significant limitations. Investigators become gatekeepers of individual information. Individuals are treated as mere sources of scientific data with no claim to share in the study’s results. As well, it does not allow individuals to carry out precautionary action if they turn out to have high chemical body burdens.
Study participants are in many cases starting to demand to receive their individual results, despite the lack of knowledge about individual health effects due to exposures. Research has shown that most individuals find disclosure of test results beneficial, regardless of the actual result or accompanying psychic distress. As well, negative effects of reporting back can be mitigated through appropriate protocols and communication techniques.
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Alternative models of reporting back allow individuals more control over their results. Newer biomonitoring studies that report back individual results as part of community-researcher partnerships emphasize participants’ right to know and right to act, and fuel activism and policy changes.
Under the emerging model of community-based participatory research (CBPR), reporting back individual and aggregate study results can empower individuals and communities to act on scientific research. CBPR encourages as much dissemination of information as possible and asserts that the collected data belongs primarily to the study participants. An example of this model is the First Nations Biomonitoring Initiative, which will provide a baseline of chemical body burdens on First Nations reserves in Canada, with control over all resulting data retained by the participating communities.
As well, some activist groups are carrying out biomonitoring research with the explicit goal of improving chemical regulation and policy. This “citizen science” aims to raise awareness of the risks of chemical exposures and engage individuals in collective action. Citizen science is advocacy driven and treats all exposures as significant. For example, Sharyle Patton, from the environmental advocacy group Commonweal, found that migrant farm workers in California developed a strong activist community as a result of participating in biomonitoring research.
Despite the limitations of biomonitoring there are compelling reasons to report back biomonitoring results. Providing individual results can lead to increased awareness of everyday exposures to toxic chemicals. As well, there is potential for increased political engagement as a consequence of learning about chemical body burdens. Receiving biomonitoring results can therefore be an important tool in campaigns to improve regulation of toxic chemicals.
This commentary was initially posted on August 16, 2013 on the Impact Ethics blog and is reposted here with permission of the authors. Visit impactethics.ca
Stephen Wilkinson and Eve Garrard respond to Alana Cattapan’s blog post calling for the continuing prohibition on embryo sex selection.
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Alana Cattapan raises many important questions about our objections to the current legal prohibition on embryo sex selection within IVF (not sex-selective abortion), in the UK and other relevantly similar countries. We are grateful for this opportunity to comment.
Law and Morality: Our report, Eugenics and the Ethics of Selective reproduction, isn’t about the ethics of IVF sex selection per se, but about the defensibility of a legal prohibition on IVF sex selection. We hold that, while some instances of sex selection are morally problematic, the case in favour of a ban is insufficiently strong. Using the powers of the state to impose legal restrictions on people’s reproductive behaviour is a serious, and potentially dangerous, business and something to be done cautiously and only for compelling reasons. Sometimes there are such reasons – we don’t support an entirely laissez-faire position – but, in the case of sex selection, a conclusive case hasn’t been made. We don’t claim that sex selection is desirable, or even that most cases of it are morally acceptable. Our conclusion is just that the case for legal prohibition is insufficiently strong to overturn the presumption of reproductive freedom.
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